Singende Fussballspieler, Teil 8: Franz Beckenbauer – Du bist das Glück/1:0 für die Liebe (1966)

der Kaiser ist nackt … weitere Beiträge aus der Reihe hier

„Fragrant and Hot Marxism“

Wusste schon immer, dass es mit dem Marxismus eine heisse und duft(end)e Sache ist, hier nun endlich der empirische Beweis, hat tip to Kasama

Kommunistischer Bund (KB): Plant der Staat ein Blutbad? (1972)

Plant der Staat ein Blutbad? (pdf-Datei, 208 kb), ein Flugblatt des Kommunistischen Bundes (KB) zu den bis heute nicht aufgeklärten Bombendrohungen in Stuttgart Anfang Juni 1972, welche von Staat und Medien der zunächst der RAF zugeschrieben worden waren.

Ein Flugblatt der GIM zum gleichen Thema kann mensch hier finden.

Zur Bewegung der Rothemden in Thailand

Nachfolgend dokumentiert ein Auszug aus einem umfassenderen Artikel von Danielle Sabaï auf der Webseite des International Viewpoint zur aktuellen Lage in Thailand, welcher Licht auf Verortung und Klassenlage der Opposition in Thailand zu werfen scheint:

Who are the Red Shirts?

Faced with the situation opened by the putting in place of the Abhisit government, in early 2009 the “United Front for Democracy and against Dictatorship” (UDD), the Red Shirt movement, was set up. This political and social movement was set up originally by the unification of Thaksin’s defenders and the pro-democracy forces that had emerged after the coup. The alliance mobilised a popular base mainly made up of peasants, villagers and urban workers, in particular in the north and north-east of the country, fed up with the double language of the judiciary, the absence of democracy and the maintenance of deep inequalities despite a real modernisation of the country. Although he has partly adopted on his own behalf the political reforms of Thaksin, Abhisit appears as what he is, the representative of the traditional elites. The unity of the movement was achieved around the slogan of resignation of Prime Minister Abhisit and new democratic parliamentary elections.

Thaksin’s wealth has largely contributed to developing the struggle, at least initially. Nonetheless, the Red Shirts movement has changed a lot since its emergence. If Thaksin remains a „hero” for many Red Shirts who feel he has contributed to an improvement in their living conditions, the demands are now on another level. The objectives of Thaksin and the leaders of the UDD are to say the least divergent. The leaders of the Red Shirts claim to be the champions of social justice and democracy. Themes which do not suit Thaksin perfectly. In addition, his chances of returning to power are thin and his main objective could well be to recover the 1.4 billion dollars seized by the judiciary in March. In fact, Thaksin has withdrawn from the movement and as Chang Noi, a well known Thai journalist, says, “Thaksin could well not wish to ride this tiger now he knows how big and ferocious it is”.

As to its composition, the UDD has from the beginning been a broad and diverse movement. Unity around the slogan of Abhisit’s resignation and for immediate elections does little to conceal the very different political views and objectives among the leaders. According to Tumberblog a certain number of leaders like Surachai Danwattananusorn “Sae-Dan”, Jaran Dithapichai, Weng Tojirakarn or Vipoothalaeng Pattanaphumthai are former Communists. Others like Jatuporn Promphan are MPs from the Puea Thai party, an heir of the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) and of the People’s Power Party (PPP). Most are royalists or in any case do not publicly challenge the constitutional monarchy. The law forbidding lèse majesté bans any debate on the monarchy. The “crime” can be punished by 3 to 15 years imprisonment. That does not favour freedom of expression and several Red Shirt personalities, like Giles Ji Ungpakorn and Jakaprob Penkair have had to go into exile to avoid prison.

At last, in August 2009, after several months of after discussions, divergences appeared publicly among the leaders of the movement. Jakaprob Penkair and “ Sae-Dan” left it to form their own group, “Red Siam”. The split took place around the tactic advocated by the main leaders of organising a petition to request the royal pardon for Thaksin. A key question: the appeal to the king poses the question of the place of the monarchy and its desirable and possible evolution. The detractors have argued that this petition accords to the king the power to interfere in an undemocratic manner in the struggle of the Red Shirts and would perpetuate illusions about the intentions of the monarchy. For their part, the three leaders of the group “Kwam Jing Wannee” (The Truth Today), Jatuporn Promphan, Weera Musikapong and Nattawut Saikua, fight for minor reforms in the context of the current monarchy. Jatuporn explained very clearly to the newspaper “The Nation” : “We want democracy under the King as head of state, therefore our activities are limited to attacking Privy Council president Prem Tinsulanonda or lower figures to prevent an escalating fight transgressing the constitutional monarchy”. The leaders of Red Siam, who are more radical, believe that the monarchy should be reformed. Nonetheless they do not challenge the current framework of the constitutional monarchy.

In terms of the rank and file, the Red Shirts are not the dangerous “terrorists” and conspirators against the monarchy portrayed by the government. They are ordinary people. The product of systematic brainwashing from the cradle, they are mainly of religious, nationalist and royalist sympathies. That is what makes this political movement different from the previous revolts in 1973, 1976 and 1992. For the first time, it is ordinary people from the provinces, the peasants, workers, the poor and also the less well off middle classes of Bangkok who are mobilising. The basis of the movement extends to a part of the middle classes who have become aware of the high cost that the coup has represented, whether in political or economic terms and now support a movement which seeks to re-establish democracy. Many inhabitants of Bangkok have come to show their support for the Red Shirts or to join them.

The UDD has highlighted the specificity of this revolt in updating obsolete terms in the Thai language like “phrai” (serf) and “amart” (nobles). These terms illustrate the oppression and the injustices visited on those who “have nothing” in opposition to the privileged. It certainly amounts to a class struggle, a revolt of the wretched against the established order. The movement has stripped bare the machinery of this profoundly inegalitarian system, at the centre of which lies the monarchy.

Demo: Stoppt die Hinrichtungen politischer Gefangener im Iran! (22.05. 2010, Berlin, 14 Uhr, Adenauerplatz)

Der nachfolgend dokumentierte Aufruf fand sich auf der Webseite des Kurdistan-Solidaritätskomitees Berlin:

Demo: Stoppt die Hinrichtungen politischer Gefangener im Iran!

Kundgebung und Demonstration am Samstag 22. Mai 14 Uhr ab Adenauerplatz Berlin

Am 9.Mai hat das iranische Regime fünf politische Gefangene in einer Nacht- und Nebelaktion im Teheraner Evin-Gefängnis als „Feinde Gottes und des Staates“ gehängt. Dem Lehrer und Gewerkschafter Farzad Kamangar, den Lehrern Ali Heydarian und Farhad Vakili sowie der Frauenrechtsaktivistin Shirin Alam Hooli wurde die Mitgliedschaft in der oppositionellen Partei für ein freies Leben in Kurdistan (PJAK) vorgeworfen. „In den Händen der Soldaten habe ich Tage voller Schmerz durchlebt. Warum haben sie mich festgenommen oder warum hängen sie mich auf? Ist es weil ich Kurdin bin? Ich bin als Kurdin geboren und musste soviel Folter und Schikane erleben weil ich Kurdin bin“, heißt es im Abschiedsbrief von Shirin Alam Hooli. Bis heute weigert sich das Regime, die Leichen der Hingerichteten an deren Familien auszuhändigen. Gegen die Hinrichtungen kam es zu massiven Protesten im ran, und in den kurdischen Landesteilen wurde ein Generalstreik durchgeführt. Das Regime verhängte den Ausnahmezustand über kurdische Städte, Militär marschierte ein, mehrere Demonstranten wurden verhaftet.

Diese Verbrechen, die die Weiterführung von 31 Jahren Politik der Unterdrückung, Folter, Steinigung und Massenhinrichtungen an politischen Gefangenen ist, hat zur weltweiten Proteste geführt. Das weigert sich aus Angst vor Protesten die Leichname der Hingerichteten an deren Familien zurück zu geben.

Seit 2007 sind 7 Gefangene aus kurdischen Oppositionsgruppen hingerichtet worden. 18 weiteren kurdischen politischen Gefangenen und einer Anzahl zum Tode verurteilter iranischer Oppositioneller droht die Hinrichtung. Auch eine Reihe von afghanischen Flüchtlingen ist im Iran zum Tode verurteilt worden.

Mit unserem Protest wollen wir unser Mitgefühl für die Angehörigen, Freunde und Genossen der Hingerichteten ausdrücken und sie bei ihren Bemühungen um Gerechtigkeit unterstützen. Wir fordern einen sofortigen Stopp der Hinrichtungen und die Freilassung aller politischen Gefangenen.

- Code e.V.
- Bündnis der Kurden und kurdischen Vereine Berlin-Brandenburg
- Kurdistan-Solidaritätskomitee Berlin
- Komitee zur Unterstützung der politischen Gefangenen im Iran- Berlin e.V.
- Rat der Kurden und kurdischen Vereinigungen Berlin-Brandenburg
- Säkulare IranerInnen für Freiheit und Demokratie
- Verein iranischer Flüchtlinge in Berlin e.V.

Zeit: Samstag, 14:00 Uhr,

Ort: Adenauerplatz

Viktorianische Gesetze in Malawi – Solidarität mit Steven Monjeza und Tiwonge Chimbalanga

Quelle: Ekklesia

Outrage over conviction of Malawian gay couple

A same-sex couple in Malawi have received a criminal conviction for going through a traditional engagement ceremony. Steven Monjeza and Tiwonge Chimbalanga were found guilty of homosexuality, which is illegal under Malawian law.

The judgement was delivered by a magistrate today (18 May) after months of delay. The couple plan to appeal to a higher court.

Human rights campaigners argue that the Malawian law banning homosexuality is in breach of the country’s constitution. They also point out that the law relates only to sexual activity and that there is no credible evidence of sexual relations between Monjeza and Chimbalanga.

„This is an outrageous verdict,” said the human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell, „With so much hatred and violence in the world, it is bizarre that any court would criminalise two people for loving each other”.

Amnesty International has already adopted Monjeza and Chimbalanga as prisoners of conscience.

“While Steven and Tiwonge freely confirmed their love for each other, there was was no credible evidence that they had committed any illegal homosexual acts,” insisted Tatchell.

He argued that the ban on homosexuality is unconstitutional, as Article 20 of Malawi’s constitution guarantees equality and non-discrimination.

Tatchell refuted the notion that international criticism of the ruling involved outsiders interfering in Malawi’s internal affairs.

„Malawi’s anti-gay laws were not devised by Malawians,” he said, “They were devised in London in the nineteenth century and imposed on the people of Malawi by the British colonisers and their army of occupation. Before the British came and conquered Malawi, there were no laws against homosexuality. These laws are a foreign imposition. They are not African laws.”

The magistrate who made the ruling had already attracted criticism for refusing bail to the two men. Campaigners say this is unusual in Malawi when the criminal allegation in question does not involve violence.

Prior to the verdict, the couple issued a message from prison, asserting their love for each other and thanking their many supporters worldwide.

„I love Steven so much,” said Chimbalanga, “If people or the world cannot give me the chance and freedom to continue living with him as my lover, then I am better off to die here in prison. Freedom without him is useless and meaningless.“

Monjeza added that whatever happened, he would “never stop loving Tiwonge”.

„We are thankful for the people who have rallied behind us during this difficult time,” added Chimbalanga, “We are grateful to the people who visit and support us, which really makes us feel to be members of a human family”.

Tatchell urged concerned individuals and groups to lobby the Malawian ambassador in their own countries, to add to the pressure on the Malawian government and to send messages of support to the couple in prison.

„Steven and Tiwonge are showing immense fortitude and courage,” he said, “They continue to maintain their love and affirm their human right to be treated with dignity and respect”.

Neues aus den Archiven der radikalen (und nicht so radikalen) Linken

ältere Archiv-Updates und Hinweise zu weiteren linken Archivalien unter „Sozialistika“ und im Download-Archiv, weitere Hinweise bei Poumista:

Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières (ESSF):

* Quatrième Internationale: Action positive et construction du parti parmi les femmes (1991)
* Quatrième Internationale: Le mouvement des femmes et le féminisme en Amérique latine (1991)
* Quatrième Internationale: L’évolution des formes de la lutte pour la libération des femmes en Europe (1991)
* Marche mondiale des femmes: La violence contre les femmes : là où l’autre monde doit agir (2002)
* Carsten A. Holz: Have China Scholars All Been Bought? (2007)
Basanta: Nepal: No revolution can be replicated but developed (2007)

Rassembler, diffuser les archives des révolutionnaires (RaDAR, ehemals ASMSFQI):

* Ligue des communistes: Que s’est-il passé en Allemagne ? (1933)
* Opposition communiste: , Contre le Courant, 30. Dezember 1927
* Parti communiste internationaliste (PCI): La Vérité, 15. November 1948
* Parti communiste internationaliste (PCI): La Vérité des travailleurs, März 1954
* Jeunesse communiste internationaliste (JCI): La Jeune Garde, Mai 1947
* IVe internationale: IVe internationale, Dezember 1955
* Parti communiste internationaliste (PCI): Bulletin intérieur „La Vérité“, November 1949
* Ligue des communistes: Bulletin intérieur, Februar 1934

La Bataille Socialiste:

* International Bureau for Revolutionary Socialist Unity („Londoner Büro“): A new hope for world socialism (1938)
* Serge Bricianer: A propos de l’autogestion (1968, Auszug)
* Koorosh Modarresi: Introduction au communisme-ouvrier (2006)

Marxists Internet Archive (MIA):

* Henk Sneevliet: Spartacus Ontwaakt! Het Derde Front marcheert (1941)
* Henk Sneevliet: Het contraproces van New York (1937)
* Edward P. Thompson: Algumas Observações Sobre Classe e „Falsa Consciência“ (1977)
* La Vérité: Working Women Organize the Fight to Slow Down Production (1943)
* Karl Marx: Miseria de la filosofia (1847)
* Karl Marx: Extracto dos Comentários ao Livro de Bakúnine «Estabilidade e Anarquia» (1874)
* Daniel Bensaïd: Comunismo y estalinismo (1997)
* Daniel Bensaïd: Communisme en stalinisme. Een antwoord op “Het zwartboek van het communisme” (1999)
* Daniel Bensaïd: Lenin: ¡Saltos! ¡Saltos! ¡Saltos! (2002)
* Daniel Bensaïd: Teoremas de resistencia (2004)
* Revolutionära Marxister (RM): Revolutionär information 1: KFML:s omvälvning av historien, „Lenins testamente“, Trotskij om partidemokrati (1969)
* Arbetarmakt: Byråkratins patriark om arbetets militarisering (1972)
* Noam Chomsky: Sovjetunionen kontra Socialismen (1986)
*Wladimir Iljitsch Lenin: L’atteggiamento del partito operaio verso la religione (1909)
* Ted Grant: The Dockers fight (1972)
* Ted Grant: TUC: end collaboration with Tories (1972)
* Ted Grant: All-out campaign to bring down Tories—lessons of TUC (1972)

Materialien zur Analyse von Opposition (MAO):

* Landkreis Grafschaft Bentheim

LibCom:

* Documents from the Middlesex University occupation, 1991
* Documents on the Middlesex University occupation, 1988
* Staughton Lynd: Overcoming racism: the Lucasville rebellion (2000)
* World Revolution: Spartacus revolt: inspiration for the proletariat (2001)

Centro de Documentación de los Movimientos Armados (CeDeMA):

* Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru (MRTA): La situación actual y las tareas en el proceso de la guerra revolucionaria del pueblo (1984)
* Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru (MRTA): Carta de los presos del MRTA al ministro de Justicia (2001)
* MAPU-Lautaro: Bazar de las ganas en el Peda (1990)

Workers’ Liberty:

* Rosa Luxemburg: Blanquism and social democracy (1906)
* Workers Fight: Vietnam: excerpts from Workers’ Fight, 1974-1978 (1974-1978)

The Irish Election Literature Blog:

* Helen Redwood -Socialist Party 2004 Local Elections Mulhuddart
* Eric Byrne Leaflet featuring only Voters -Democratic Left 1994 Dublin South Central By-Election
* Eamon Gilmore -Workers Party -1987 General Election Dun Laoghaire

The Militant:

* Mother Jones: Industrial war is on in this country (1911)
* 25, 50 and 75 years ago (1935/1960/1985)
* Socialist Workers Party (SWP): Stewardship of nature falls to working class (2007)

Archive.org:

* Manabendra Nath Roy: „I accuse!“ : from the suppressed statement of Manabendra Nath Roy on trial for treason before Sessions Court, Cawnpore, India (1932)
* Emma Goldmann: Die Ursachen des Niederganges der russischen Revolution. Mit einem Vorwort von Rudolf Rocker (1922)
* Max Adler: Marxistische Probleme; Beiträge zur Theorie der materialistischen Geschichtsauffassung und Dialektik (1913)
* International Bureau for Revolutionary Socialist Unity („Londoner Büro“): A new hope for world socialism. (The resolutions adopted at the Revolutionary Socialist Congress, Paris, Feb. 19th-25th, 1938, together with the introductory speeches) (1938)
* Bericht der Delegierten der russischen Sozialdemokratie an den internationalen Sozialisten-Kongress in London 1896 (1896)
* Revolutionary Age, 23. November 1918
* Revolutionary Age, 27. November 1918
* Revolutionary Age, 30. November 1918
* Revolutionary Age, 18. Dezember 1918
* Revolutionary Age, 28. Dezember 1918
* Revolutionary Age, 4. Januar 1919
* Revolutionary Age, 13. Januar 1919
* Revolutionary Age, 25. Januar 1919
* Revolutionary Age, 1. Februar 1919
* Revolutionary Age, 26. Juli 1919
* Revolutionary Age, 19. Juli 1919
* Revolutionary Age, 2. August 1919
* Revolutionary Age, 23. August 1919
* Socialist Call, Januar/Februar 1957

Bibliothek der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung:

* Quellensammlung zur Geschichte des 1. Mai

Rustbelt Radical:

* Leo Trotzki: Bonapartism, Bureaucracy, Categories, Lessons And The Revolution Betrayed (1937, Auszug aus der Verratenen Revolution)

Luxemburger Anarchist:

* Situationistische Internationale: Das Algerien des libertären Daniel Guérin (1966)

World Socialist Web Site (WSWS):

* Comité international de la Quatrième Internationale: Comment le Workers Revolutionnary Party a trahi le trotskysme 1973-1985 (1986)

YouTube-Kanal von pjotrpjotro:

* Hafenstrasse Hamburg – Das geht alle an
* Kulturzeit -“Der Kampf geht weiter“ Interview mit Karl-Heinz Dellwo 17.05.2010

radicalarchives:

* Spencer Sunshine: Nietzsche and the Anarchists (2005)

Agis Stinas:

* Agis Stinas: Der zweite Parteikongress 1920 (1977)
* Agis Stinas: Der Aufbruch der Massen – The Awakening of the Popular Masses VI (1977)
* Agis Stinas: Der Kollaps der Front, die »militärische Revolution« und die revolutionäre Krise in Griechenland (1977)

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Melde mich in einigen Tagen wieder …

Gewerkschafter in Swasiland im Knast ermordet

Quelle der nachfolgend dokumentierten Meldung: ITUC-CSI

Swaziland: Trade Unionist Dies in Custody

12 May 2010The ITUC joins the ITUC-Africa and its affiliates in its strongest denunciation of the suspicious death in custody of Sipho Jele, member of the Swaziland Agriculture and Plantation Workers’ Union (SAPWU) and the People’s United Demoractic Movement (PUDEMO), Swaziland’s largest opposition party, which was banned and is being relentlessly persecuted under the government’s notorious Suppression of Terrorism Act. Swaziland has been living under a State of Emergency since 1973.

On 1 May, the workers’ celebrations held at the Salesian Sports grounds in Manzini, Swaziland’s main industrial town, were violently interrupted by the police, who were insisting on the removal of all guests whom they considered not to be workers. They disrupted the peaceful May Day celebration and manhandled and detained several officers of the unions, including Swaziland National Association of Teachers (SNAT) National Executive Committee member Simangele Mmema. They confiscated photographic equipment and deleted photographs. They looked for participants wearing PUDEMO T-shirts and even detained a youth activist for wearing a Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) T-shirt and an African National Congress (ANC) cap, which they confiscated. The unions publicly protested against this overt anti-union harassment and the interruption of their peaceful May Day celebrations.

It was under these circumstances that Sipho Stephen Jele was arrested by the police for wearing a T- shirt with the name of PUDEMO on it. On his arrest the police took him to his home, where according to his aunt, they searched the house and found nothing else than Jele’s PUDEMO membership card. He was forced to have his picture taken showing this card before being taken away. Two days later, the correctional services department made an announcement claiming that Sipho Stephen Jele committed suicide in the toilet of a prison cell.

According to information received by the ITUC, the police have exerted pressure on Jele’s family for him to be quickly buried. Furthermore, the inquiry appointed by the Prime Minister of Swaziland is being done by the police’s own correctional service staff. Given the circumstances under which Jele was arrested and the way he was treated under custody, the ITUC fears that he was killed because of his activism.

Swazi King Mswati has previously stated he sees “akukhanywane”, a term used to describe the throttling of all those defying his rule, as the most appropriate strategy. In the meantime, Sipho Jele’s death is the 12th stabbing or shooting incident of PUDEMO members, leaders, family or sympathizers since August 2003.

See also the spotlight interview with Mduduzi C. Gina (SFTU – Swaziland)

Generalstreik in Iranisch-Kurdistan

Nachfolgend dokumentiert ein Kurzbericht der GenossInnen des Iranian Workers’ Solidarity Network (IWSN) zum Proteststreik gegen die , weitere Berichte und Bilder bei Ali Schirasi und bei Révolution en Iran:

General shutdown in Iran’s Kurdish areas

According to agency reports there is a general shutdown in various towns in Iran’s Kurdish areas. The shutdown is in protest against the recent executions of Kurdish activists and the danger of further executions.

The shutdown of markets and shops is in effect in Mahabad, Oshnavieh and Sanandaj (1). There is heavy security forces’ presence in the streets which are empty of the local residents. In Kamyaran, the home town of Farzad Kamangar, the Kurdish teacher killed by the dictatorship on May 9, many school students, in what appears to be a spontaneous protest, have boycotted their classes.

On May 9 the Iranian regime murdered four Kurdish political prisoners: Farzad Kamangar, Shirin Alamhouli, Ali Heidarian, and Farhad Vakili (2). The recent executions bring the total of political executions in Iran since the disputed ‘election’ in June 2009 to eight. Currently there are said that 17 Kurds and three other prisoners on death row in Iran.

A long history of oppression

Sadly there is nothing new in the brutal repression and the denial of basic national rights of Iran’s national minorities. This regime not only follows the same policies as the Shah’s dictatorship but has taken them to a higher level of violence. But the national minorities have also taken their resistance to a higher level.

Nearly five years ago, on July 9, 2005, in Mahabad, the capital of the autonomous Kurdish republic of 1946-47, the Iranian regime’s security forces fired live rounds at a number of youth. Two were injured and Shwaneh Ghaderi, a politically active 30-year-old, was killed. At night his body was tied to the back of a pickup truck and dragged through the town before being released to his family.

News of this state murder enraged the crowds in Mahabad’s Independence Square and people protested against the treatment of Ghaderi and the brutal way he was killed by the dictatorship’s forces. They attacked government offices, breaking windows, and killed a member of the security forces. There were also protests in Sardasht and other Kurdish towns.

Iranian Workers’ Solidarity Network, 13 May 2010

(1) Mahabad and Oshnavieh are Kurdish town in Iran’s West Azerbaijan province.(2) Mehdi Eslamian, who was not Kurdish, was also executed in Evin prison at the same time as the four Kurdish activists. He was accused of involvement in a bombing in Shiraz.