… alle Verhältnisse umzuwerfen, in denen der Mensch ein erniedrigtes, ein geknechtetes, ein verlassenes, ein verächtliches Wesen ist … (Marx)

Vermischtes aus Nepal und Indien

Posted by entdinglichung - 23. März 2009

1.) Ein Interview auf Lal Salam mit Subash Pokharel, Vorsitzender der nepalesischen LBGT-Organisation Blue Diamond Society, hier ein Auszug:

„BP: So what sort of activities does the Blue Diamond Society do? You mentioned before about providing accommodation for the PLA women when they ere expelled, what sort of activities do you do besides lobbying?

SP: Well, the organisation was established in 2001. Formally an NGO, non government organisation. We have a very long struggle. First time our committee focused on HIV prevention and treatment, that kind of thing, because our committee was very alarmed by HIV. Basically through donors like Family Health International, USAID, UNAID, these organisations assisted us greatly in the area of HIV/AIDS prevention. And later on we realized that only confining to HIV related things will not take us into our different issues. We were experts on HIV because of our sexuality. We are operated by donation and government donation. We are not stranded in this city only confined to issues of HIV/AIDS, it will not resolve our whole social issues, so e started to campaign and raise our voice in the medium of human rights campaigning. By working with other group’s e were able to establish good networks with the Media, human rights organisations even the political parties. So on the basis of our human rights work and our HIV/AIDS work we have built our capacity.

BP: Has there been much risk involved in this work? In recent times in Nepal there has been widespread human rights violations, so by taking up the struggle for LGBT rights have your brought much anger to yourself and your organisation?

SP: In previous years the committee and our people, because we have no legal protection in the law we could not plead to the police to protect us from violations. Basically our community had to rely on sex work, we had no other means of livelihood in the previous years, but now the society is able to employ more than 500 people. Blue Diamond Society now has more than 35 offices in Nepal. It’s a very good network, and we are very influential already. That sort of violence against the community was very great in previous years, but now because we have support from other organisations we are able to have confidence in our protection, and do our work, but there is still violence there.

BP: Starting in 2001 and already having 35 offices, that’s a pretty impressive effort. Do you do much work in rural areas as well, and if so, how does this differ from urban work in say Katmandu?

SP: People in our community they have too, almost all, more than95% I would say, if they are to become open about their sexuality, they are expelled from and have to get out of their family, community and even village. So it is typical that those who have been expelled from their villages tend to center around the cities. I don’t know why the community centers around the city areas, in search of employment I think. So we concentrate on city areas. People come to live there, and open up offices. Initially we had one office, but so many people came, and got in contact with the Blue Diamond Society, we encouraged them to open up more offices in their area. In that way we are able to grow. We were able to increase our HIV work and we have support in our HIV prevention work, because we are recognized and work with the government’s plan of prevention. So because of that, and the international community we have been able to open up our offices.“

2.) Gorkhaland and Lalgarh: dialogues, parallels, and a challenge to mainstream parties von Koustav De auf Sanhati zur Minderheitenpolitik in dem von der reformistischen CPI(M) beherrschten Bundesstaat West Bengal:

„Being in power for continuously for more than 30 years, it has been clear to the people that CPI(M) do not have any agenda of uplifting the have-nots, which happened to be their main slogan while coming to power. On the contrary a ‘New Class’ right out of the Milovan Dilas’s thesis, have come up which has so benefited from the CPI(M) that they with go to any extent to keep them in power. This section is in addition to the traditional upper class section of all the cities and villages, the landowners, the hoarders who simply switched their allegiance from Congress to CPI(M) in 1977 when they took over the office.

The repeated electoral victories have been made possible with the lack of alternative parties with proper agendas to vote for and tremendous terror. Any developing opposition has been efficiently and ruthlessly nipped in the bud. The strategy to regain influence over Adivasi region of the West, Gorkhaland region of the North has been similar to that of Nandigram, the use of armed mercenaries to create terror amongst the masses. It has been a time tested method and presently the only method known to CPI(M) which it seems is not working any more.

This failure has been mainly because the rise of these movements has been meteoric. Entire populations have stood for a common cause and in a short span every mainstream party has dissolved away and new organizations or consolidations have sprung up. Thus most of the mercenary bands have had to be formed out of people who were not locals. They have nevertheless continued with their efforts to terrorize villages, the latest effort being towards the end of February in Madhupur, where about a thousand armed CPI(M) cadres and mercenaries rode bikes and trekkers into Madhupur firing in the air all along and finally surrounding selected houses to beat up and humiliate the women and children of those ‘leaders’ who allegedly organized people against the CPI(M).

After all this as soon as the Adivasis under Peoples’ Committee regrouped themselves to march against the mercenaries, they made an escape and the police arrived to ‘diffuse tension’. After all this CPI(M)’s local committee secretary Bikash Ukil said to the Press: “The rally was organized to bolster the morale of our supporters before the upcoming election.” (Times of India Feb 27, 2009 ).

Such acts serve twin purposes, firstly if by some means the Adivasi movement can be made to retaliate with violence of similar measures, they can be branded as Maoists and further state terror can be unleashed with ‘justification’, moreover this continuous terror and violence can break the morale and force Adivasi to abandon the movement just to seek a peaceful existence. However it is well known from history that the Adivasis have rarely been intimidated by such violence. The Adivasis have had a brilliant revolutionary history and have time and again waged fearless wars against much better equipped enemies. In fact this violence might unite them even strongly and gradually choke out any remaining legitimacy of CPI(M) amongst the indigenous population of West Bengal.“

3.) Die CPI(ML) Liberation zur Koalitionspolitik der reformistischen Linken in Indien:

„The ‘Third Front’ as it stands today is a highly amorphous formation riddled with paradoxes. It is neither a full-fledged pre-poll alliance nor a well-defined programmatic coalition. Partners like the TDP have been enthusiastic proponents of disastrous neo-liberal policies; as for the track record of partners like TDP, AIADMK, or JD(S) on secularism and democracy, the less said the better. Potential post-poll partners like the BJD and BSP have an equally dubious and tainted record on both neo-liberal policies (the BSP has the distinction of being the only party without a declared economic policy) and secularism.

More importantly, the current arrangement ignores the fact that there is a distinct and crucial difference between ‘Third Front government’ (or non-NDA non-UPA government) and ‘Third Front’. A Third Front in its true sense can be nothing but a Left and democratic front that is a powerful voice of a third alternative – in policies, in vision, in people’s movements – but which may not necessarily be in a position to form Government. Only such a Third Front can be in any way durable, sustainable and credible. What is being called a ‘Third Front’ at this juncture is very different: it is merely a potential power-sharing that might emerge in view of the possibility that neither UPA nor NDA might achieve a majority in the impending Parliamentary polls – an eventuality that is difficult to predict with any degree of certainty. Surely a genuine Third Front cannot be a mere exercise in Government formation?

The role of the Left parties, CPI and CPI(M), in such a coalition is yet another paradox. On the one hand these parties face major setbacks in their strongholds of Kerala and West Bengal. On the other, CPI(M) leaders have spoken of the possibility of joining a Third Front government at the centre! Answering questions from the Press at the release of the party manifesto, CPI(M) General Secretary Prakash Karat indicated that the question of joining a Third Front Government at the Centre is very much open. The CPI(M), since its ‘historic blunder’ of 1996, has systematically removed all the programmatic roadblocks to being part of a government at the Centre – it is now free to join any Central Government which it claims to be in a position to ‘influence’.“


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