… alle Verhältnisse umzuwerfen, in denen der Mensch ein erniedrigtes, ein geknechtetes, ein verlassenes, ein verächtliches Wesen ist … (Marx)

Iran-Update 01.02. 2010 – Marg Bar Jomhuriye Eslami!

Posted by entdinglichung - 1. Februar 2010

Laufend aktualisierte Berichterstattung auf Street Journalist, Ali Schirasi, LabourStart und Révolution en Iran:

1.) Eine zoroastrische Sadeh-Feier in Yazd entwickelt sich zur Protestkundgebung (Street Journalist):

2.) Eine Liste der von der Ermordung bedrohten politischen Gefangenen (Révolution en Iran):

Noms de prisonniers politiques condamnés à mort :

1 – Ali Saremi,
2- Ayub Porkar,
3 – Ahmad Karimi,
4 – Nasser Abdolhosseini
5 – Reza Khademi,
6 – Amir Reza Arefi
7 – Alireza Karami Khairabadi,
8 – Khaled Hardani,
9 – Abbas Deldar
10 – Farhad Vakili,

Kurdistan :

11 – Zeinab Jalalian,
12 – Habibolah Latifi,
13 – Shirko Moarefi
14 – Farhad Vakili,
15 – Farzad Kamangar,
16 – Ali Heidarian,
17 – Hossein Khezri,
18 – Rashid AKhkandi,
19 – Mohammad Amin Agoshi,
20 – Ahmad Poladkhani,
21 – Sayed Sami Hosseini,
22 – Sayed Jamal Mohammadi,
23 – Rostam Arkia
24 – Mostafa Salimi,
25 – Anwar Rostami,
26 – Hassan Talei
27 – Iraj Mohammadi,
28 – Mohammad Amin Abdollahi
29 – Ghader Mohammad Zadeh,
30 – Shirin Elmhavi
31 – Adnan Hassanpour,
32 – Hava Botimar,
33 – Ramadan Ahmad (prison d’Ourmia, originaire du Kurdistan syrien)
34 – Farhad Chalesh,
35 – Sarhad Chalesh (militant politique du Kurdistan turc, prison de Zanjan Prison)
36 – Saeed Ramadan, (militant politique du Kurdistan de Syrie, prison de Qazvin)
37 – Hajar Ghaderi,
38 – Jahangir Baduzade


39 – Abdul Rahman Naruee,
40 – Abed Gahram Zehi
41 – Abdoljalil Rigi
42 – Nasser Shebakhsh
43 – Mahmoud Rigi
44 – Ali Saedi,
45 – Valid Nisi
46 – Mahed Faradipoor
47 – Daer Mahavi,
48 – Maher Mahavi
49 – Ahmad Saedi,
50 – Yusuf Laftepoor


51 – Ovdeh Afravi
52 – Ali Reza Salman Delphi
53 – Ali Halfi
54 – Moslem Elhai
55 – Abdolreza Navaseri
56 – Yahya Naseri,
57 – Abdoliman Zaeri
58 – Nazim Berihi
59 – Abdolreza Haldchi
60 – Zaman Bavi
61 – Risan Savari,
62 – Leila Kaabi

3.) Reza Rakhshan, von der Gewerkschaft der Haft Tapeh-ArbeiterInnen in Shush/Khuzistan wurde nach 17 Tagen gegen Kaution aus dem Knast entlassen Iran Labor Report), Majid Hamidi (Coordinating Committee to Help Form Workers’ Organizations) ist seit dem 14. Januar inhaftiert (IASWI), Proteste von ArbeiterInnen des Reifenwerkes Alborz Tire (Révolution en Iran) gegen die Nichtauszahlung von Löhnen

4.) Aus der Solidaritätsarbeit in der BRD: Hinweise auf Kundgebungen gegen das Regime am 9. und am 11. Februar in Berlin, Frankfurt und Hamburg (Cosmoproletarian Solidarity) und eine nachfolgend dokumentierte Solidaritätsadresse von Refugio aus Kiel (rhizom mailing list)

Solidarität mit den trauernden Müttern im Iran

Wir solidarisieren uns mit den Müttern im Iran, die sich regelmäßig am Samstag in Teheran versammeln, Sie protestieren gegen die Verhaftung, Verschleppung und auch Hinrichtung ihrer Kinder. Nach den heftig umstrittenen Wahlen im Juni 2009 war es bei Demonstrationen zu schweren Ausschreitungen des Regimes gegen die eigene Bevölkerung gekommen. Unzählige Menschen wurden festgenommen und mit schweren physischen und psychischen Methoden bedroht und gefoltert. In vielen Fällen hat das zum Tod der Festgenommenen geführt.

Durch diese Protestaktion versuchen diese Mütter ein gerichtliches Untersuchungsverfahren durchzusetzen. Sie wollen wissen, wo sich ihre Kinder befinden, ob sie gefoltert, vergewaltigt oder vielleicht sogar schon hingerichtet wurden. Die Mütter fordern eine Gefangenen und eine Verurteilung der Verantwortlichen und Freilassung aller politischen Gefangenen.

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Freundinnen und Freunde, Es ist daher wichtig, dass wir auch in Kiel, wie viele Städte in der Welt, =uns mit diesen Müttern solidarisieren. Wir werden uns jeden zweiten Samstag (ab morgen 30.01.2010) von 14.00 bis 15.00 Uhr am Asmus- Bremer-Platz sammeln.“

5.) Warum Ahmadinejad nicht „progressiv“ ist (Iran Labor Report):

Ahmadinejad a Progressive?

Ahamdi’s anti-imperialsim is a myth; so are his supposed leftist credentials.

Network of Iranian Labor Unions (NILU)

There is a fiction going about in some progressive circles around the world according to which Ahmadinejad is a great nationalist crusader, that he is a champion of the poor and that he is a man of the people. This is certainly shocking to the ears of most Iranians (including many Iranian workers) who consider their president to be a demagogue and a petty dictator. Let’s look at the facts in detail:

Subsidies Rationalization Plan. The government’s Economic Reform Plan first introduced in March 2008 followed up by the Doctor-Jekyll-like Subsidies Rationalization Plan is a carbon copy of the IMF prescriptions for neo-liberal restructuring. Its center piece is the wholesale axing of national subsidies within 5 years starting from January 2009.

One of the few victories of Iranian working class from the 1979 revolution has been the constitutionally-guaranteed right of the Iranian people to make free use of billions of dollars in assistance provided in the form of state subsidies. Gasoline users, bakeries, city bus commuters, and consumers of public utilities are among the tens of millions of people who have benefited to one degree or other from this policy. For instance, bus commuters in urban areas pay only about a tenth of the fares they would have otherwise paid. Gasoline is only 40 cents per liter. Cooking gas is a fifth of its so-called market rate, etc, etc.
It is important to note that these benefits were not a result of an act of generosity or some kind of government largess but an achievement wrought by the sacrifice and blood of millions of Iranians. It is now all coming to an end. Ahmadinejad government has brazenly set about ending this 30-year arrangement with a fanatical zeal. Starting this January, subsidies will be cut in large increments. In this, the government is supported by the majority of the country’s ruling factions who expect to grab various chunks of the bonanza. (Significantly, opposition figure Mir Hossein Mousavi has sharply criticized the plan as ill-advised and misguided.)

There is nothing novel or redeeming about the Subsidies Rationalization Plan. Ahmadinejad’s price liberalization scheme is nothing but a regurgitated version of the infamous shock therapy treatment devised by the late Milton Friedman of the University of Chicago fame. It was first applied in Chile in the late 70’s and later in East and Central Europe with devastating effect for the poor and working classes.

Privatization Plan. Ahamdinejad has dutifully signed on to the so-called Amendment to the Article 44 of the Constitution which envisions the wholesale dismantling of the public sector and its handover to crony capitalists.

According to the government’s own 2008 statistics, one third of the state assets have already been privatized ($37 billion out of $110 billion) of which 78% occurred under the Ahmadinejad administration. This too is a carbon copy of the IMF model for structural adjustment. In fact, despite abundant national resources, Ahmadinejad is eager to have Iran join WTO at the earliest possible date. Too bad the WTO has only allowed his government an observer status!

The only difference between privatization in Iran and privatization in the rest of the world is that it is not really the private sector that ends up with the public enterprises in question. Rather, it is the Revolutionary Guards Corps of Iran (RGCI) and its sundry subsidiaries—followed by less powerful players—that have grabbed the prized state assets. It would be a real stretch of imagination to call these RGCI-controlled entities as Iran’s private sector. In the last year alone, tens of billions of dollars in state assets were handed out to the RGCI in no-bid, below-market-price sweat deals. For example, last October, in the stock market’s largest transaction ever, an $8 billion purchase was made of the country’s telecommunication industry in a sweet deal that is costing the RGCI next to nothing.
In other words, the Iranian people are getting the worst of both worlds! They are gradually losing their public ownership rights while a small clique of hard-line military men and militocrats with absolutely no managerial or technical skills are calling themselves the new masters of the country. Already, many fraudulently “privatized” firms are being run to the ground or cannibalized of choice assets thanks to the inexperience, greed and venality of the RGCI.

Income Redistribution. Much has been made of Ahmadi’s pseudo-leftist Robin Hood-style rhetoric to steal from the rich and give it to the poor. The last four years have seen, thanks to the huge oil income windfall, possibly the largest-ever budget increase in Iran’s 2500-year history; yet, all that Ahmadinejad and his defenders have to show for are the so-called Justice Shares; small salary increases for selected groups; and some paltry micro-credits for low or middle income families.
The much-touted Justice Shares have an uncanny resemblance to the Voucher Privatization scheme that was practiced in Russia during the 90’s. The plan led to the destruction of the state sector and the accumulation of power and wealth in the hand of mafia oligarchs.
As far as the salary increases, the 2007-2008 inflation rates of 36% and 33% swept away whatever income boost the government had promised to prospective voting blocs.

As for micro-credits, according to the Minister of Trade, 56% of the micro-credit allocations “failed to reach their goals” with the majority given out to favored individuals.

In short, as far as Iran’s working people are concerned, Ahmadi’s economic performance is at best poor and probably abysmal. But what of his social and political policy?

Social Policy. Since coming to power in 2005, Ahmadinejad has once again unleashed the loathsome religious ‘vice squads’ on the population of the urban areas. In the last four years, hundreds of thousand of young people, particularly young women, have been subjected to searches, arrest and humiliating behavior for as innocuous an infraction as wearing boots in the winter seasons. He has also closed down 48 newspapers and magazines; rolled back the limited social and cultural freedoms won in the old administration and generally allied himself with the most retrograde social forces in the country—possibly in the world—such as the fire-breathing ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi. The budget for the arts have been cut by 62% while that of the hard-line religious centers have increased exponentially.
Women, particularly working class women, have seen their status eroded or under severe attack. For example, in 2007 the government introduced a bill on the floor of the parliament called the Family Protection Act which nullified a woman’s legal right to be notified of her husbands’ intention to seek a second wife and to annul it once it has occurred. In the end, Iranian parliament members, no doubt fearing a backlash from their own wives and daughters, voted the disgraceful jbill down. But they didn’t veto another bill which made it obligatory for female civil servants to refuse overtime work and pay on the grounds that “women’s true place was at home”.

Democratism. To our knowledge, Mr. Ahmadinejad has never had the pretense of being a democrat and we would certainly not want to contradict him on that score.

Anti-Imperialism. It is a grave mistake to brand anyone who rails against the United States as an anti-imperialist. If that were the case, Ben Laden and his murderous followers would have been the greatest anti-imperialists the world has ever seen. Ahamdinejad’s anti-Americaniim is fueled by a desire to become the region’s new hegemon and nothing else. Iran’s working classes have no interest whatsoever in seeing their rulers exploit other nations’ peoples and resources.

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