Zur Situation der griechischen Linken
Posted by entdinglichung - 22. November 2011
nachfolgend dokumentiert ein Auszug aus dem Artikel Greece: New government and the accelerated march to capitalist barbarism von Andreas Kloke auf International Viewpoint:
“ … The new forms of mass struggle of the workers and oppressed, with square occupations in the summer, then other occupations, strikes, and forms of self-organization from September, directly influence all the forces of the left. The Greek Communist Party (KKE) leadership, which realized that it was increasingly being overtaken by the mass mobilization, tried to gain more strength by various reinforced sectarian actions of their union formation PAME (occupations of ministries, town halls and schools, campaign for non-payment of poll tax). This is a slight shift in the „party line,“ resulting in an attempt to provide leadership for the mass movement.
The appearance and the general political propaganda of the KKE are oriented to a more radical rhetoric „against capitalism,“ but still never exceed bureaucratic routine. A deeper understanding of the economic and social reality does not exist. Even if it is true that the statements of the party generally correspond to an anti-capitalist and mechanistic Marxist framework, its sectarian tactics are tragically dangerous as Oct 20 abundantly demonstrated. They do not correspond to the need of the working class for a united front, which is today more necessary and more urgent than ever before.
The left-reformist alliance SYRIZA, which is dominated by the SYN, a reformist party with roots in euro-communism, tries to represent a credible alternative on the parliamentary left. The rapid fall of PASOK in the polls raises the hope that this alliance may enjoy a new boom. The proposal of SYRIZA chairman Tsipras to aim for the installation of a government of the united left to promote the vital need of workers actually contradicts the immediate self-organization of the mass movement and the strengthening of unified militant mobilizations.
It cannot be excluded that this orientation might weaken the emerging dynamics of the resistance movement against the memorandum policies, creating new parliamentary illusions. Adamant in their „pro-European“ orientation, the party leadership desperately tries to cling to the straw of euro-bonds and the democratization of EU institutions. But all these nice things are solemnly rejected by the German government parties, also by the „opposition parties“ of the social-democrats (SPD) and the Greens, and, of course, by their clients in banking and industry, as well as by the EU bureaucracy and the ECB. The radical youth of the party and the radical elements of SYRIZA, which have moved to the left due to the massive resistance movement, clash increasingly with the boundaries set by the SYN leadership.
ANTARSYA undoubtedly gathers the most militant and politicized rank and file activists in the unions, youth, and students. It successfully held its first national congress in late October. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the formation of the alliance has up to now developed at a snail’s pace, mainly due to protracted factional struggles between its component organizations.
The „Political Theses“ are certainly an excellent programmatic document. But it became clear in the discussion before and during the congress that a not insignificant minority of ANTARSYA tends to aim at a „unity of the Left“ in the sense of a future government project. This would be a strategic concept based on a „popular front“ policy in the framework of the existing system, specifically of the bourgeois state. …“